RSF_en News Co-signing organizations in alphabetical order : Action des Chrétiens pour l’Abolition de la Torture, FranceAmnesty International, Benin Advocates for Public International Law, UgandaArabic Network for Human Rights Information, EgyptAsia Pacific Centre for the Responsibility to Protect, AustraliaAct for Peace, AustraliaArab Coalition for Sudan, SudanArab Program for Human Rights Activists,EgyptArab-European Center Of Human Rights And International Law, NorwayArab Foundation for Development and Citizenship, United KingdomAndalus Institute for Tolerance and anti-Violence Studies, EgyptBenin Coalition for the International Criminal Court, BeninCairo Institute for Human Rights Studies, EgyptCampaña Colombiana Contra Minas, ColombiaCenter for Media Studies and Peacebuilding, LiberiaChild Soldiers International, United KingdomChristian Solidarity Worldwide, BelgiumClub des Amis du Droit du Congo, Democratic Republic of CongoCoalition Ivoirienne pour la Cour Penale Internationale, Cote d’IvoireColombian Commission of Jurists, ColombiaCommunity Empowerment for Progress Organization, South SudanConflict Monitoring Center, PakistanCongress of National Minorities of Ukraine, UkraineComité Catholique Contre la Faim et Pour le Développement – Terre Solidaire, FranceComision Mexicana de Defensa y Promocion de los Derechos Humanos, MexicoComision de Derechos Humanos, PeruCSO Network, Western KenyaDawlaty Foundation, LebanonDemocracia Global, ArgentinaEast Africa Law Society, TanzaniaEgyptian Initiative for Personal Rights, EgyptElman Peace and Human Rights Center, SomaliaEuro-Mediterranean Human Rights NetworkFN-forbundet / Danish United Nations Association, DenmarkFranciscans InternationalFundación de Antropología Forense, GuatemalaFriends For a NonViolent World, United States Georgian Young Lawyers Association, GeorgiaGenocide Alert, GermanyGlobal Solutions.org, United StatesGlobal Justice Center, United StatesGlobal Centre for the Responsibility to Protect, United StatesGulf Centre for Human Rights, DenmarkHoriyat for Development and Human Rights, LibyaHumanist Institute for Development Cooperation, The NetherlandsHumanitarian Law Center Kosovo, KosovoHuman Rights First, United StatesHuman Rights WatchInternational Justice Project, United StatesInternational Commission of Jurists, KenyaInternational Society for Civil Liberties & the Rule of Law, NigeriaInternational Society for Traumatic Stress Studies, United StatesInternational Federation of Action by Christians for the Abolition of Torture, FranceInternational Center for Policy and Conflict, KenyaInsan, LebanonJacob Blaustein Institute for the Advancement of Human Rights, United StatesJustice Without Frontiers, LebanonKenya Human Rights Commission, KenyaLa Coalition Burundaise pour la Cour Penale Internationale, BurundiLira NGO Forum, UgandaLigue pour la Paix, les Droits de l’Homme et la Justice, Democratic Republic of CongoMedia Foundation for West Africa, GhanaMinority Rights Group International, United KingdomNational Youth Action, Inc., LiberiaNo Peace Without Justice, ItalyNorwegian People’s Aid, NorwayOptimum Travail du Burkina, Burkina FasoOpen Society Justice InitiativePakistan Body Count, PakistanPAX, The NetherlandsPax Christi InternationalParliamentarians for Global ActionEl Equipo Peruano de Antropología Forense, PeruPhysicians for Human Rights, United StatesPak Institute for Peace Studies, PakistanREDRESS, United KingdomReporters Without Borders, FranceRencontre africaine pour la défense des droits de l’homme (Raddho-Guinée), GuineaReseau Equitas, Côte d’IvoireSamir Kassir Foundation, LebanonSouthern Africa Litigation Centre, South AfricaSouth African Institute for Advanced Constitutional, Public, Human Rights and International Law, South AfricaSyrian Network for Human Rights, United KingdomSyria Justice & Accountability Center, The NetherlandsSyrian Nonviolence Movement, FranceSyrian Observatory for Human Rights, United KingdomSynergie des ONGs Congolaises pour la lutte contre les Violences Sexuelles, Democratic Republic of CongoSynergie des ONGs Congolaises pour les Victimes, Democratic Republic of CongoThe International Federation for Human Rights, FranceThe Centre for Accountability and Rule of Law, Sierra LeoneThe Association of Political Scientists, GreeceThe Sentinel Project for Genocide Prevention, CanadaThe Igarape Institute, BrazilThe Arab World Center for Democratic Development, JordanThe United Nations Association of Sweden, SwedenUnited to End Genocide, United StatesVision GRAM-International, CanadaViolations Documentation Center, SyriaWake Up Genève for Syria, SwitzerlandWest Africa Civil Society Institute, GhanaWest African Bar Association, NigeriaWorld Federalist Movement, CanadaWorld Federation of United Nations AssociationsWomens’s International League for Peace and Freedom, Switzerland Zarga Organization for Rural Development, Sudan March 8, 2021 Find out more to go further News Damascus TV presenter arrested under cyber-crime law SyriaMiddle East – North Africa Receive email alerts Follow the news on Syria February 3, 2021 Find out more News News Wave of Kurdish arrests of Syrian journalists SyriaMiddle East – North Africa Over one hundred civil society groups from around the world issued the following statement today to urge the United Nations Security Council to approve a resolution to refer the situation in Syria to the prosecutor of the International Criminal Court:We, the undersigned civil society groups, urge United Nations Security Council members to approve a draft resolution supported by a broad coalition of countries that would refer the situation in Syria to the prosecutor of the International Criminal Court (ICC).More than three years into a conflict that has claimed well over 100,000 lives, according to the United Nations, atrocity crimes are being committed with complete impunity by all sides in the conflict, with no end in sight.Neither Syrian authorities nor the leaders of non-state armed groups have taken any meaningful steps to ensure accountability for past and ongoing grave human rights crimes. The failure to hold those responsible for these violations to account has only fueled further atrocities by all sides. Against this background, we believe the ICC is the forum most capable of effectively investigating and prosecuting the people who bear the greatest responsibility for serious crimes and of offering a measure of justice for victims in Syria.The latest report from the UN’s Syria Commission of Inquiry, published on March 5, 2014, also found that all sides to the Syria conflict continued to commit serious crimes under international law and held that the Security Council was failing to take action to end the state of impunity. The commission, which has published seven in-depth reports since its establishment in August 2011, recommended that the Security Council give the ICC a mandate to investigate abuses in SyriaThe need for accountability in Syria through the ICC has likewise been supported by more than 60 UN member countries, representing all regions of world, including 10 of the current members of the Security Council. We urge all Security Council members to heed this call for justice. Other countries should publicly support the draft resolution and warn Russia and China against using their veto power to obstruct accountability for violations by all sides.As a permanent international court with a mandate to prosecute war crimes and crimes against humanity when national authorities are unable or unwilling to do so, the ICC was created to address exactly the type of situation that exists in Syria today. Though the court’s work can be only one piece of the larger accountability effort needed in Syria, it is a crucial first step.We therefore strongly urge Security Council members to urgently act to fill the accountability gap in Syria. The people of Syria cannot afford further disappointment or delay. Toll of ten years of civil war on journalists in Syria March 12, 2021 Find out more Help by sharing this information Organisation May 15, 2014 – Updated on January 20, 2016 Groups Call for ICC Referral
View post tag: Naval View post tag: Stops Back to overview,Home naval-today EUNAVFOR Stops Group of Suspected Somali Pirates View post tag: Somali Share this article View post tag: Group March 30, 2012 EU Counter Piracy Naval Forces (EUNAVFOR) have tracked down and stopped a group of suspected pirates who were believed to have tried to attack a Hong-Kong flagged tanker approximately 400 nautical miles off the coast of Somalia.EU Naval Force warship FS Aconit was called to investigate after the tanker came under attack on 26 March 2012. Aconit was directed onto the fleeing pirates by a Luxembourgish Maritime Patrol and Reconnaissance Aircraft (MPRA), which have recently completed 3500 Flights Hours with EUNAVFOR.The MPRA quickly located the suspects who were towing a small skiff behind a larger sea going whaler. TheMPRA provided imagery showing pirate paraphernalia.In order to conceal the evidence of their piracy activities, it is believed that the suspected pirates had cut loose and sunk the smaller skiff, containing weapons, ladders and a certain amount of fuel.Aconit’s helicopter intercepted and stopped the whaler, which had 10 suspected pirates onboard, by firing warning shots on 27 March 2012. A team from Aconit boarded the whaler and the suspects have been transferred on board the frigate. Two suspects received medical care by the Aconit’s medical service.As no pirate paraphernalia was recovered the crew of the Whaler were sent back to the Somali coast with only enough water and fuel for a one-way journey.The French Navy frigate Aconit’s intervention made it possible to hamper the action of a complete pirate action group, thus preventing them from committing new attacks in the area.[mappress]Naval Today Staff , March 30, 2012; Image: eunavfor View post tag: News by topic View post tag: Pirates EUNAVFOR Stops Group of Suspected Somali Pirates View post tag: EUNAVFOR View post tag: Navy View post tag: Suspected
Every year, the government spends £49billion with external organisations and it is morally right that we make sure none of that money goes to any organisations who profit from the evil practices of modern slavery. Similarly, it is right that we demand that the organisations we work with meet the high standards we need to protect our environment and employ workforces which represent our diverse society, including people with disabilities and those from ethnic minorities. By making sure that these social values are reflected not just across the government, but through all the companies we work with, we will take a major step towards our goal of creating an economy that works for everyone. The shake-up will create a significant cultural shift for both the public sector and industry, while not adding extra cost or complexity to the procurement process.The move has been welcomed by organisations which already put social values at the centre of their work, such as Guildford-based Future Biogas, which is at the forefront of the anaerobic digestion industry.Their managing director, Philipp Lukas, said: Lord Victor Adebowale, the Chair of Social Enterprise UK, added: It’s great to see the government recognising the importance of social value. We deliver social value in many ways, such as providing employment opportunities for skilled local young people in rural communities, generating green electricity and gas, enabling biodiversity in the rural environment, improving soil health and capturing carbon into the soils. The government’s commitment to ensuring social values are at the heart of its contracts will ensure that the contributions we make to society are recognised in full. We fully support this excellent initiative. the use of firms of all sizes, including those owned by under-represented groups the safety of supply chains – to reduce the risk of modern slavery and cyber security issues encouraging firms to employ people from diverse backgrounds, including those with disabilities and from ethnic minorities focusing on environmental sustainability to reduce the impacts of climate change encouraging firms to prioritise staff training to boost their employees’ long-term employability Businesses who want to secure future government contracts will be urged to show they can also help improve society by tackling issues such as modern slavery and climate change.During the Social Value Summit in London today, the government launched a shake-up of the way government contracts are awarded to make sure they consider their social impact – by looking at areas such as the employment of disabled people, the use of small businesses, the prevention of modern slavery and the protection of the environment. This was a key measure outlined in the Government’s Civil Society Strategy, published by the Department for Digital, Culture, Media and Sport.The move will help deliver the government’s target of a third of contracts going to small and medium-sized businesses by 2022. It will also identify modern slavery risks in the government supply chain and make sure everything the government does, including procurement, works towards the key priorities of protecting the environment and making sure everyone has the opportunity to make the most of their talents.Speaking ahead of the summit, the Chancellor of the Duchy of Lancaster, David Lidington, said: The new way of drawing up government contracts represents one of the biggest changes in public procurement in recent years and comes on top of the commitment to bar suppliers who cannot demonstrate they are paying their supply chains on time.It will open up opportunities to social enterprises and other organisations who are best-placed to deliver social outcomes and promote good work by businesses, who are important drivers of innovation and social change.Areas which will be now looked at when contracts are being drawn-up by the government will include: A twelve-week public consultation will be held on the proposals, to seek feedback from suppliers, public bodies and members of the public. It’s good to see the government showing leadership and taking steps to embed social value across its contracts. Social value should not be seen as a luxury in any part of the public or private sectors but common sense. People expect modern government and business to ensure that all spending considers the needs of our society and environment. Social enterprises have been pioneers, but it is important that every sector follows. This announcement will support the more than 100,000 social enterprises working in the UK which employ over 2m people. The social enterprise sector has been a great British business success story and it is right that the government does more to support it.
By Brian Fonseca, director of the Jack D. Gordon Institute for Public Policy at Florida International University’s (FIU) Steven J. Green School of International and Public Affairs July 24, 2018 Russia’s rebound in international politics after the collapse of the Soviet Union has roused many in America’s foreign policy establishment. Longtime Russian experts are warning Washington about Moscow’s growing threat to democracies around the world—including democracies in Latin America and the Caribbean. Russia’s limited capacity to exercise influence in the international community using traditional instruments of power—such as diplomatic, economic, and military—has forced it to rely more heavily on its ability to seek to influence populations through an insidious mix of state-directed activities designed to use propaganda, misinformation and disinformation to shape the way people think. Propaganda, misinformation and disinformation are a few of many components of what Russians term propaganda. For decades, Russian propaganda has been a key feature of Russian foreign policy in its “near abroad”—that is, former Soviet Republics and Warsaw Pact countries in close geographic proximity to Russia. However, in recent years Moscow has stepped up efforts to reorganize and engage in persistent propaganda activities in its “far abroad,”—that is regions as far away as Latin America and the Caribbean. Moscow’s goal is to weaken western sources of information, democratic institutions, and reduce the overall influence of the western-led international system. Russian propaganda is weakening confidence in western sources of information The objective of Russian propaganda operations in Latin America is not to convince audiences as to the merits of Russian policy, to boost the image of Russia, or to promote a Russian world view, but rather to erode confidence in western institutions such as democracy and free trade, as well as western-dominated sources of information. In today’s information space, the responsibility of finding truth has shifted from media outlets to individuals, and this is complicating individuals’ ability to sift through the oversaturated media environment to find truth. According to the National Endowment for Democracy, propaganda is used by Moscow to pursue its “foreign policy goals through a ‘4D’ offensive: dismiss an opponent’s claims or allegations, distort events to serve political purposes, distract from one’s own activities, and dismay those who might otherwise oppose one’s goals.” In Latin America, Russian media works to create enough confusion that it challenges support for U.S. and western-based media narratives and undermines the efficacy of democratic institutions throughout the region. Public support for democracy has declined from 61% in support for democracy to 53% in 2017, according to Vanderbilt University’s Latin American Public Opinion Project. Perhaps the persistent decline in support for democracy in Latin America is an indicator of the success of Russia‘s propaganda. Russian-controlled media does this by exploiting long held suspicions about U.S. policy towards the region and exaggerating, distorting, or fabricating falsehoods regarding U.S. and western activities in the region. Russian use of information lacks any real parallel in the West. The growing ability to manipulate narratives is key to Russian strategy – Moscow strives to fragment and dismantle the perceived dominance of Western media narratives by providing alternative perspectives that are built on the predisposed suspicions of its audiences. Russian propaganda can be categorized into three forms—black, white, and grey. Black information campaigns are factually incorrect narratives with a false originator. White information campaigns are based on the truth and open identification of the source. Grey information campaigns are narratives that distort truths or alter context and can conceal the originator. Moscow continues adapting those operations to emerging technologies such as internet-based programming, social media platforms, and bots; the latter being a software application designed to automate tasks over the internet. According to the researcher for the U.S. Institute for National Strategies Studies, Dr. G. Alexander Crowther, there are three types of accounts promoting Russian perspectives. The first are accounts like RT and Sputnik Mundo that openly acknowledge that they are affiliated with the Russian government. The second are accounts like those established under Russia’s Internet Research Agency that use trolls and bots to spread disinformation 24 hours a day, seven days a week. The third are accounts “run by people around the world who amplify pro-Russian themes either knowingly or unknowingly, after being influenced by the efforts described above.” Continuity from the old Soviet handbook Russia’s use of propaganda to aid Russia in achieving its foreign policy objectives is nothing new. Moscow has been engaging in propaganda for nearly a century. In the 1920s, Russian information campaigns worked to discredit dissident communities in Europe. During the Soviet period, Moscow institutionalized the use of propaganda in Russian security and intelligence services, establishing a disinformation unit within the First Chief Directorate of the Soviet Intelligence Agency. Russian propaganda surged in the late 1970s and into the 1980s. In the 1980s, Russian propagandists attempted to pin the origins of AIDS to a U.S. biological weapons experiment being conducted at Ft. Detrick, Md. This operation, named Operation Infektion, was one among many aimed at discrediting the U.S. around the world. Russian propaganda is not entirely new to Latin America either. In the early 1980s, Russia used misinformation to discredit the U.S. in its “near abroad.” Russia used misinformation in an effort to discredit Salvadoran support for U.S. policy in Central America. According to declassified CIA assessments, in December 1980, the Soviet Union Communist Party’s official newspaper Pravda published a false story claiming that the U.S. was involved in using napalm and herbicides against non-combatants in El Salvador. In January 1981, the weekly Russian newspaper Literaturnagya Gazeta published an article falsely claiming that the U.S. was preparing to eliminate thousands of Salvadorans—in a sense reminding Salvadorans, and the region, about El Salvador’s dark history when its elites attempted to purge the country of its indigenous communities. Russian propaganda is surging in Latin America and the Caribbean Russian propaganda, misinformation, and disinformation have all increased substantially over the last decade. Russian media outlets like RT, Sputnik Mundo, TASS and Voices of Russia are all actively broadcasting in Latin America. Unlike mainstream western outlets such as CNN, MSNBC, FOX and BBC, Russian outlets are not operating as independent media. Rather these media outlets are directly supporting Russian foreign policy objectives. Russian media leverages the growing platforms to deliver information—television broadcasting, social media, and the internet—in order to reach and influence Latin American audiences, often in Spanish. Russian investment in Russian media outlets around the world totaled about $323 million in 2017, although there is no statistical evidence regarding Russian media penetration in Latin America. It is estimated that RT and Sputnik alone can reach nearly the entire region. RT has agreements with about 320 cable providers throughout the region. Its tag line is “question more,” illustrating its intention to challenge western narratives and promote conspiracy theories. Initially, Russian messaging seemed opportunistic and not well coordinated among the various Russian-controlled media outlets in the region. However, in recent years that has changed, and Russian media appears far more coordinated in their messaging efforts. Additionally, Russian propaganda often exploits underfunded and under-resourced media outlets, including many in Latin American, in order to amplify their message. These are known as proxy media outlets. Latin American outlets have limited capacity to fact check everything, and in the race to ensure fresh content, find themselves re-publishing Russia media narratives. This gives the impression that Russia’s message is consistent with Latin America’s message. In fact, Moscow much prefers the message to come from Latin American media outlets because it carries more credibility. One of the false narratives that Russia is pushing hard in Latin America deals with U.S. military presence in the region. Moscow understands the historical legacy of U.S. military interventions in the region and is attempting to leverage that history to spread misinformation. In 2016, Sputnik Mundo published a false story claiming that the U.S. was standing up two military bases in Argentina—one in Patagonia and the other in the Tri-border area. In early 2017, RT Actualidad published another false story claiming that the U.S. was establishing a new military base in the Peruvian Amazon. The timing of both messaging campaigns corresponded with ongoing U.S. military equipment sales in Argentina and Peru. This illustrates intentionality in the use of Russia propaganda to achieve specific gains. In the cases of Peru and Argentina it was to undermine U.S. military equipment sales in the region. In 2017, former U.S. National Security Advisor H.R. McMaster and Congressman Marco Rubio asserted that Russian misinformation campaigns were being used to shape outcomes in several upcoming Latin American elections, including Brazilian, Colombian, and Mexican elections. Altering the political landscapes among critical U.S. allies from friendly to more adversarial environments would be a huge victory for Moscow. In late 2017, RT published a piece insinuating the UK was responsible for the missing Argentine submarine ARA San Juan, claiming the Argentine submarine was being “chased” by a British helicopter. In reality, a Royal Airforce C-130 based in the Falklands was among the first on the scene to support search and rescue missions. These are the kinds of baseless and distorted claims consistent with Russian misinformation and disinformation efforts in the region. In addition to media platforms, Russia is strengthening its ties with Russian diaspora across Latin America through NGOs, businesses, and the Russian Orthodox Church in an effort to leverage these communities to amplify Moscow’s messaging, similar to the way Moscow leveraged Russian-speaking communities in Estonia and the Ukraine. However, in the near-term, Russian-speaking communities will remain an available but limited tool in advancing Moscow’s interests in Latin America. Russian diaspora have not gained any significant political influence to shaping Latin America and Caribbean politics or advance Russian political influence. The diaspora will continue serving as an instrument to promote Russian views and close the gap between Latin American and Caribbean societies and Moscow, if persistent, over the long term. Still, Russian media is among dozens of media outlets, representing countries all over the world. This saturation of information likely dilutes the impact that Russian media has in the region, although there is still no scientific way to measure the impact of Russian propaganda. However, it is the online programming and social media where Russian media outlets like RT or Sputnik have the biggest opportunity for growth. This is the medium that most middle class, younger audiences turn to for their information, offering the Kremlin an opportunity to effectively and efficiently reach the most influential sectors of society. To effectively mitigate the threat of Russian propaganda, the U.S. and its Latin American allies should continue reinforcing the importance of democratic institutions and principles through practice and help create resilience among communities in the region. Finally, the U.S. and its allies should continue to expose the falsehoods of Russian messaging and expose Moscow’s authoritarian practices, which run counter to the emerging political culture among Latin American societies. *Brian Fonseca also serves as an Adjunct Professor at FIU’s Department of Politics and International Relations and is a Cybersecurity Policy Fellow at the Washington D.C.-think tank New America.
Historically, credit unions’ major focus was on interest income earned from loans. Prior to 2010, it accounted for 80% of overall income and was plentiful enough to push other sources down the list of priorities.It’s a different environment today. Interest rates have remained low for the last decade, and regulatory changes are squeezing revenue in areas like interchange income. As a result, credit unions’ focus has strategically shifted toward boosting sources of non-interest income.Regardless of size, most credit unions have increasing non-interest income as a goal in 2020 – and fortunately, there are numerous opportunities for growth. Here are three ways we help credit unions achieve non-interest income growth.Lift interchange-income through increased credit card usage.Many credit unions are looking for ways to revive lagging interchange income after regulatory changes such as Dodd-Frank substantially reduced what they earn on debit card transactions. One logical and effective avenue is to increase members’ credit card usage – the interchange income can be more than four times higher for each transaction.Using data analytics, it’s possible to identity which segments of a CU’s membership are the most likely to migrate from debit to credit card usage. An extensive analysis that incorporates data mining techniques, an examination of spending habits and patterns, and identification of unengaged members can lay the groundwork for a sophisticated marketing strategy. Analytics enables CUs to offer personalized, relevant incentives that members will respond to.Introduce new and innovative rewards-based checking accounts. Loan-to-share ratios are increasing, and the financial product landscape is more competitive than ever. Credit unions are looking for ways to improve product offerings to attract attention and deliver superior member experience.Traditional checking accounts just aren’t producing the right results anymore. But with analytics-driven insights, credit unions can create new suites of fee driven products with the rewards-based structures that members’ want, which will also deliver the non-interest income benefits they need.CBC, a California based credit union, used data analytics to launch new checking products that were highly popular with members. The analysis enabled them to buck the trend of more no-fee products, and instead roll out a new suite of checking products that provided the freedom to choose services and add-ons for a small recurring fee. CBC doubled the account balances in its premium checking accounts and increased debit card spend by more than 25%.Offering Courtesy Pay and Overdraft ServicesMost credit unions offer features like overdraft protection and debit courtesy pay that allow members to use their debit cards even when they have an insufficient balance. These services provide an immediate value to members – for a fee that’s assessed only when it is used.Each CU has a segment that’s more likely to benefit from and use these services – but many members may not know it’s even available. Using data analytics, a credit union identified members with the highest likelihood to opt-into overdraft programs and pay the corresponding fees. The credit union was then able to focus efforts on the 25% of its membership that had three times the probability of usage.The path to generating more non-interest income is made up of a series of steps. Make sure each step is data-driven, relevant, and impactful. 1SHARESShareShareSharePrintMailGooglePinterestDiggRedditStumbleuponDeliciousBufferTumblr,Suchit Shah Suchit Shah is the COO of CU Rise Analytics, a Virginia-based CUSO. CU Rise helps credit unions that want to focus their time and resources on the most advantageous strategies … Web: www.cu-rise.com Details
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Liverpool’s Premier League triumph will forever be associated with the charisma, drive and passion of their manager Juergen Klopp yet those individual qualities belie a style of management that shuns autocratic control.Klopp took over a club without a league title since 1990 and still shaken by the way they allowed what would have been a maiden Premier League crown slip out of their hands under Brendan Rodgers in 2014.The German’s instant impact was to inject much-needed confidence, belief and enthusiasm into the club. “Have strong people around you with better knowledge in different departments than yourself.”This was exactly the approach Klopp took from the outset.He made clear that he was not going to micro-manage every aspect of the club. When an official asked him what time he wanted the bus to leave with the team before a game, his response was: “Why are you asking me?”Previous managers may have always decided such matters but Klopp was saying two things with that response: firstly, he had bigger things to worry about but, more importantly, other people better knew the answer to that question.Premier League management has moved away from the old-school idea of the ‘boss’ who handled transfers and contracts, bus schedules, training routines, as well as tactics and selection.’Call me’Yet Klopp takes delegation more seriously than most.It was an approach he used at Dortmund where he once explained why he did not, unlike some coaches, travel to scout.“I’m not going to travel all over Germany and unearth gems… that’s nonsense. You really need to say to your scouts ‘This is what we’re looking for, and if you find someone, call me’.”Liverpool, like all top clubs, have a recruitment department made up of specialists in talent-identification, using data as well as the eyes and ears of their staff.When it comes to transfers, Klopp works closely with sporting director Michael Edwards, a partnership that has helped build key pieces in the title-winning side.There has been a focused recruitment on expertise in the analysis and sports science departments too, where again, Klopp operates largely on a ‘need-to-know’ basis.When Klopp gets key information, he is gifted in presenting it to the players in a concise and effective manner and frequently does it himself rather than leaving it to the men with the tablets.”His knowledge of when to give information and when not to, of what to give and what not to, is just at a different level,” said Liverpool analyst Mark Leyland.The 52-year-old Klopp is quick to put his arm around a player and is hailed for listening as well as instructing but that relaxed or caring approach can mask his tougher side.So is he a ‘player’s manager’ or a demanding leader?Klopp has no doubts: “It’s both — friend and drill sergeant.”It is a winning combination. “Because it felt a little bit like a depression here, I think it made sense to be extremely lively,” he said. That was certainly evident from his early months in charge.Yet while Klopp’s back-slapping, laughter and positive thinking won over the fans, behind the scenes he was putting in place an approach that went way beyond soundbites about “heavy metal football”, a phrase he coined at previous club Borussia Dortmund.It was a combination of a traditionally English focus on the manager as leader and frontman with German coaching’s attention to detail and allied with a management style more akin to the ultra-specialized world of American football.“Don’t act like you know everything and be ready to admit that. It’s not a real philosophy, it’s just my way of life,” said Klopp in a recent club interview. Topics :
“I was in his grip, and I couldn’t get out of it,” she added.Trump has faced more than a dozen allegations of sexual misconduct, including a claim by prominent American columnist E. Jean Carroll that he raped her in a department store changing room in the mid-1990s.But he brushed them aside in his run for the White House.Shortly before the 2016 election, a tape recording emerged from 2005 in which he was heard boasting about how his fame allowed him to “grab” women by the genitals when he wanted. A former model has accused US President Donald Trump of groping and forcibly kissing her in 1997 — the latest allegation made against the Republican incumbent just weeks before he seeks reelection.Amy Dorris told Britain’s The Guardian that Trump sexually assaulted her in his VIP suite at the US Open tennis tournament in New York — claims he denied via his lawyers.”He just shoved his tongue down my throat and I was pushing him off. And then that’s when his grip became tighter and his hands were very gropey and all over my butt, my breasts, my back, everything,” Dorris said in an interview. Trump dismissed this as “locker room banter” but subsequently apologized.Dorris was 24 at the time of the alleged incidents. Trump was 51 and married at the time to his second wife, Marla Maples.The accuser provided The Guardian with several photos showing her in Trump’s company, and multiple people corroborated her account, saying she told them at the time.She says she told Trump to stop but “he didn’t care.” She added: “I felt violated, obviously.”Asked why she continued to be around Trump in subsequent days, Dorris responded: “That’s what happens when something traumatic happens — you freeze.”But Trump’s attorneys told the newspaper that her version of events was unreliable and there would be other witnesses if she had been assaulted.They suggested in comments to The Guardian that the allegation could be politically motivated, coming weeks before Trump faces Joe Biden in the November 3 election.Dorris, now 48, said she decided to come forward to be a role model for her teenage twin daughters. She first told The Guardian her story more than a year ago, but asked the newspaper not to publish it.”I’m sick of him getting away with this,” Dorris said. Topics :
By Bucky DorenINDEPENDENCE, Iowa (Aug. 6) – It was a double milestone night Saturday at Independence Motor Speedway. On the night the track celebrated its 500th IMCA Modified feature event, driver Tysus Pattee scored his first career win in that division.Despite his front row starting spot, Pattee had to work hard for his first career win. Three late caution flags tightened the field behind him. Jenae Gustin, who also scored her first two career IMCA Modified wins at Indee, and Ronn Lauritzen tried to keep pace on those three restarts, but Pattee was able to pull away for the historic win.Gustin settled for second. Lauritzen drove from the 11th place starting spot to finish third. Ryan Maitland finished fourth and Vern Jackson rounded out the top five.Pattee’s win paid $500 plus a $100 bonus.Tom Schmitt pulled into Budweiser Victory Lane and landed a $500 payday, courtesy of Local Vizion, for his win in the Burco Sales IMCA Stock Car A-Main win.Rick Wendling put on a dominating performance during the Budweiser IMCA Late Model feature event. He was able to get out front on lap six and then able to pull away.During the Albert Auto IMCA Northern SportMod feature, sixth row starters Tony Olson and Andy Edwards worked their way through the field to battle for the win. Olson was able to hold off Edwards for the victory.Shawn Kuennen had to hold off a huge pack for the Christie Door Company IMCA Sunoco Hobby Stock win.Feature results – 1. Tysus Pattee; 2. Jenae Gustin; 3. Ronn Lauritzen; 4. Ryan Maitland; 5. Vern Jackson; 6. Troy Cordes; 7. Scott Hogan; 8. J.D. Auringer; 9. Patrick Flannagan; 10. Kaleb Bentley; 11. Brennen Chipp; 12. Dennis Betzer; 13. Robert Whalen; 14. Zach Less; 15. Austin Bishop; 16. Todd Jensen; 17. Trent Jochimson; 18. Brandon Maitland; 19. Terry Johnson; 20. Dan Praska; 21. Mike Burbridge; 22. Ed Thomas; 23. Jason Morehouse; 24. Leon Wilson; 25. Rod McDonald; 26. Justin Buhler; 27. Bryce Carey.